Après la décision du TEPJF, la marche du Mexique vers un désordre postmoderne

La décision du tribunal fédéral mexicain (TEPJF) sur l’élection mérite d’être examinée de près. Elle l’est par le site WSWS.org ce 11 septembre. On s’aperçoit que la démarche du TEPJF est explosive en ce que la décision rendue reste très ambiguë, génératrice ou accélératrice de la colère et de la contestation.

WSWS.org expose notamment :

«The court was unable to give a clear and unambiguous answer to who actually won the popular vote. In a ruling that singled out the Federal Elections Institute for procedures that facilitated fraud, the seven-member TEPJF simply indicated that it did not have enough information to confirm that, absent the many irregularities, the outcome would have been different. The tribunal also singled out President Vicente Fox and Mexican corporate interests for engaging in practices that were “unjust and a source of concern” to manipulate the vote. It added, however, that it considered these practices to be “isolated events with no determining effect on the results of the vote.”

»The finding was immediately welcomed by the PAN, which downplayed the TEPJF’s criticisms. Also indifferent to the TEPJF’s language were US President George Bush, Latin American leaders—including Argentina’s Nestor Kirchner and Chile’s Socialist Party President Michelle Bachelet—and Paul Wolfowitz of the World Bank. Calderón reported that he spoke at length with Bush on the issue of immigration. Wolfowitz advised the Mexican government to attend to the needs of the poor, but without taxing the rich; instead he recommended an acceleration of the neo-liberal policies that have been responsible for Mexico’s social and economic crisis.

»The Institutionalist Revolutionary Party (PRI), the party that ruled Mexico uninterruptedly from 1929 to 2000, accepted the decision. PRI spokesperson Carlos Jimenez Macías declared that the TEJPF’s ruling left a “foul taste in one’s mouth, but we will go along with it.” PRI congressional leader Malio Fabio Beltrones expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of fairness of the July 2 elections and called for legislation to prevent corporate interests from manipulating the vote.

»PRD leaders indicated that they would appeal to human rights organizations in Europe, Asia and Latin America. Typical of the PRD response was the statement by Senator Ricardo Monreal that “this finding deepens the political crisis; the opposition and hatred that it engenders will feed repudiation and distrust.... In the same manner that nobody governs for long sitting on bayonets, nobody can last on the basis of a failed judicial decision.”

»Questions were raised about the legitimacy of the TEJPF itself. Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, a former PRI official and ambassador to the UN, who also served as ambassador to the European Union for Fox, charged that President Fox had met with the members of the TEJPF and pressured them to certify Calderón, on the grounds that any other decision would result in a political and economic catastrophe in Mexico. Government officials denounced Muñoz as a liar; but the politician—now a López supporter—insists that he has good evidence from the court itself that the meeting took place.

»Further suspicion was cast on the entire election when the Federal Elections Institute announced that it would deny Mexico City’s prestigious political journal El Proceso access to the ballots, and instead would move to destroy them.

»Popular hostility to Calderón is evident wherever he goes. During a visit to Morelia, capital of Michoacan State, he was hounded by López Obrador supporters who prevented him from speaking at several events. Michoacan is a PRD stronghold whose governor Cuahutemoc Cárdenas Bartlett, accepted the TEJPF’s decision.»

Bien entendu, Lopez Obrador entend poursuivre son action qui pourrait aboutir à la mise en place d’une deuxième structure de gouvernement concurrente de la première, ce qui imposerait une situation sans réel précédent. De cette façon, tout paraît en place pour une crise majeure au Mexique.

Il est significatif que, malgré la position hostile aux oligarchies majoritaires soutenues par les USA d’Obrador, WSWS.org continue à marquer la plus forte suspicion à son encontre. Obrador continue à être représenté comme le représentant d’oligarchies dissidentes, ce qui est d’ailleurs proche de la réalité et rend la situation encore plus originale, — mais WSWS.org n’a pas l’air de goûter cette originalité. Vis-à-vis d’Obrador, le site trotskiste montre une attitude de stricte orthodoxie révolutionnaire qui paraît un peu dépassée.

«López Obrador’s program of modest concessions to the poor is based on sensitivity to the de-stabilizing consequences of the social and economic policies promoted by both Calderón’s PAN and the PRI since the late 1970s. He is representative of dissident and more farsighted groups within the ruling elite that view with alarm the potential for the instability implicit in this social and economic crisis plunging the nation into revolutionary struggles, threatening capitalism itself. (…) López Obrador is playing the role of sorcerer’s apprentice, attempting to mobilize and control powerful social forces, driven by long pent-up demands for jobs, a genuine land reform, an equitable distribution of income and wealth, and decent living standards, including health and education and retirement—demands that cannot be fulfilled outside of a direct revolutionary challenge to Mexican and global capitalism. »

Mis en ligne le 11 septembre 2006 à 11H01