Deux ans après : la Libye sans surprise

Deux ans après : la Libye sans surprise

Deux ans après les premières opérations de “libération” de la Libye par le bloc BAO, France sarkozyste en tête, Patrick Cockburn, de The Independent (le 7 avril 2013), est allé voir sur place comment les choses se passaient. Aucune surprise et, selon la terminologie classique héritée des communiqués soviétiques et des commentaires du Pentagone, “tout se déroule selon les plans prévus”.

Le chaos est partout, plus actif que jamais dans le sens où il s’est installé structurellement. Les milices sont partout sur leurs territoires et fonctionnent comme prévu, organisant le désordre et l’illégalité par les moyens courants de la violence, de la menace, de la terreur quotidienne. Inutile d’agiter l’épouvantail islamiste bien organisé, le désordre-chaos suffit à l’étiquette (dans lequel les islamistes tiennent leur rang, qu'on ne s'inquiète pas). La Libye est donc devenue le “modèle” annoncé et attendu, postmoderne, exécuté selon les consignes du Système par ses fidèles et zélés petits soldats (nos dirigeants politiques et élites germanopratines). Nul ne s’y intéresse plus vraiment, la vertu ayant été actée une bonne fois pour toutes et les sujets de notre attention créatrice et responsable nous sollicitant par ailleurs et ailleurs. “L’avenir de la Libye s’annonce sombre et les médias s’intéressent à autre chose”, résume le brave Cockburn.

«The second anniversary of Nato's intervention on the side of the Libyan rebels and against Muammar Gaddafi passed with scarcely a mention by foreign governments and media who were so concerned about the security and human rights of the Libyan people in 2011. This should be no surprise, since Libya today is visibly falling apart as a country and Libyans are at the mercy of militiamen who prey on those whom they formerly claimed to protect.

»A sample of the news from Libya over the past few weeks gives a sense of what is happening and is worth repeating because it goes largely unreported by the foreign press who once filled the hotels of Benghazi and Tripoli. For instance, last Sunday, the chief of staff of the Prime Minister Ali Zeidan disappeared in the capital and appears to have been abducted. This may have been in retaliation for government ministers saying militias acted with impunity. On the same day, a militia group stormed the justice ministry demanding the minister's resignation after he accused it of running an illegal prison.

»The situation shows every sign of getting worse rather than better. On 5 March, the Libyan parliament met to discuss whether Libyans who had worked as officials during Gaddafi's 42 years in power should be purged and banned from office. This would include even long-term dissidents, who played a leading role in the anti-Gaddafi uprising, but decades ago had been ministers under the old regime. Protesters demanding a purge forced MPs to move for their own safety to the state meteorological office on the outskirts of Tripoli where they were mobbed by gunmen who broke into the building as its police guards disappeared. MPs were held hostage for 12 hours and others braved gunfire to escape.

»Outside Tripoli, the rule of the gunmen is even more absolute. This comes to the attention of the rest of the world only when there is a spectacular act of violence, such as the killing in Benghazi last September of the US ambassador Chris Stevens by jihadi militiamen. This was the sole act of extreme violence in Libya to get extensive coverage by the foreign media, but only because the Republican Party made it a political issue in the US. But the ambassador and his guards are not the only foreigners to die violently in Benghazi since the overthrow of Gaddafi. An Egyptian human rights group reported last month that an Egyptian Copt named Ezzat Hakim Attalah was tortured to death in the city after being detained with 48 other traders in Benghazi municipal market.

»Human rights organisations generally haven a better record for even-handed and in-depth reporting of Libya than, with a few honourable exceptions, the international media. In keeping with this tradition, the New York-based Human Rights Watch last month produced a detailed report on the ethnic cleansing of the town of Tawergha where 40,000 people were forced out of their homes and subjected to “arbitrary detentions, torture, and killings”. The largely black population has been targeted as supporters of Gaddafi by militias from Misrata. HRW used satellite imagery to record the destruction of Tawergha, most of which has occurred since the end of the 2011 war when some 1,370 sites were damaged or destroyed. Fred Abrahams, a special adviser to HRW, said that the satellite images confirm that “the looting, burning and demolitions were organised and systematic destruction was intended to prevent residents from returning”.»

dedefensa.org