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Voila que DeDefensa fait l’ingenue. On decouvre, 7 ans apres, que les Republicains font un usage politique de 911. J’espere que cet article est une plaisanterie.

Excellent et très drôle.

Cela me rappelle certains arguments de vente en immobilier (achetez, vous ne pouvez pas perdre, car les prix sont censés monter pour l’Éternité).

Les extrémistes vocifèrent déjà depuis longtemps en faveur d’une nouvelle attaque ce qui devrait quand même faire réfléchir quand à la nature du véritable 9/11 :

http://www.agoravox.fr/article.php3?id_article=27875

Russia joins the war in Afghanistan

By M K Bhadrakumar

Moscow is staging an extraordinary comeback on the Afghan chessboard after a gap of two decades following the Soviet Union’s nine-year adventure that ended in the withdrawal of its last troops from Afghanistan 1989. In a curious reversal of history, this is possible only with the acquiescence of the United States. Moscow is taking advantage of the deterioration of the war in Afghanistan and the implications for regional security could be far-reaching.

A joint statement issued in Moscow over the weekend following the meeting of the United States-Russia Working Group on Counterterrorism (CTWG) revealed that the two sides had reached “agreement in principle over the supply of Russian weaponry to the Afghanistan National Army” in its fight against the Taliban insurgency. The 16th session of the CTWG held in Moscow on June 19-20 was co-chaired by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Kislyak and US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs William Burns.

Talking to reporters alongside Burns, Kislayak said, “We [Russia] in the past have already provided military equipment to Afghanistan and we feel there is now a demand by the Afghan population for the ability of Afghanistan to take its security in its own hands.” He added it was “possible” that Russia might increase the delivery of arms to Afghanistan, though “I wouldn’t be eager to put a number on it”.

Washington has consistently rebuffed Russian attempts to become a protagonist in the Afghan war - except in intelligence-sharing. As recently as March, public demonstrations erupted in Afghanistan against alleged “deployment of Russian troops” reported in a Polish newspaper, which had all the hallmarks of a sting operation by Western intelligence. The Kremlin’s then-first deputy press secretary, Dmitry Peskov, had to clarify that rumors of Russia sending troops to Afghanistan were “absolutely untrue”.
Russian analysts felt that the Polish report was deliberately intended to create “an image of an external threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan in order to give a more plausible explanation for NATO’s [North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s] military presence in the country”.

Clearly, the weekend’s announcement in Moscow underscores a change in the US stance. The deterioration of the war is undoubtedly a factor behind the shift. (Incidentally, in a similar shift, Washington recently approached China and India also for the dispatch of troops to Afghanistan.) Britain’s Telegraph newspaper reported last week on a growing “despair” in Washington over the NATO allies’ perceived failings in Afghanistan. The gung-ho attitude - “have-gun-will-travel” - is no more there.

A top Pentagon advisor told the Telegraph, “There’s frustration, there’s irritation. The mood veers between acceptance and despair that nothing is changing. We ask for more troops and they’re not forthcoming in the numbers we need. The mistake was handing it over to NATO in the first place. For many countries, being in Afghanistan seems to be about keeping up appearances, rather than actually fighting a war that needs to be won. Was that necessary diplomatically? Probably. Is it desirable militarily? I don’t think so nor do most others who are involved with Afghanistan.”

A German NATO general said on Sunday that 6,000 additional troops are urgently needed in Afghanistan to complement the 60,000 foreign troops already in the country, most of them part of the NATO-led International Security and Assistance Force.

The Russians are all too aware of the pitfalls of another intervention in Afghanistan. Zamir Kabulov, Moscow’s veteran diplomat who served in the Soviet Embassy in Kabul all through the 1980s when the Soviets occupied the country, is the present Russian ambassador to Afghanistan. Kabulov recently dissected the tragedy of the Soviet intervention in an interview with the US-government owned National Public Radio. He said: “We underestimated the allergy of the Afghan nation to foreign invaders because we didn’t believe ourselves to be invaders at that time ... We neglected traditions and their culture and the religion of Afghans.”

With such profound hindsight, how could Moscow be once again wading into Afghanistan? There is no question of Russia ever sending troops to Afghanistan. But what prompts the Russian involvement is the belief that “You can double and triple the number of your contingent and you still will lose this war because it’s not a matter of numbers, it’s a matter of the quality of the Afghan national army and police”, to quote Kabulov.

That is to say, there has always been this belief within the Russian security establishment that the tragedy of Afghanistan could have been averted if only president Mikhail Gorbachev hadn’t pulled the plug off the life-supporting system of Soviet supplies for Mohammad Najibullah’s regime. They believe that Najibullah, who became president in 1986, could have held on even after the Soviet troop withdrawal if only he had been provided with the necessary material wherewithal.

Questions remain over the Russian enterprise to enhance the quality of the Afghan army. Will Russia also assume the responsibility for training the Afghan army in addition to equipping it? Indeed, that would seem logical. The next best thing would be to involve the erstwhile cadres of Najibullah’s armed forces who were trained in the Soviet military academies and intelligence schools. But that might be too much for Washington to stomach.

One thing is clear. Moscow acted with foresight in initiating the proposal at the beginning of the year that NATO could use Russian territory for the dispatch of its supplies to Afghanistan. The agreement formalized at NATO’s Bucharest summit meeting on April 2-4 served Moscow’s purpose in different ways. Moscow signaled that despite Washington’s hostile mode, it is prepared to help out in Afghanistan, which only shows that the Russian-NATO relationship can be based on mutuality of interests and concerns.

As expected, NATO’s European members were receptive to such a signal. At the Russia-NATO council meeting on the sidelines of the Bucharest summit, for the first time perhaps, the format worked in the fashion in which it was intended to work when the Bill Clinton administration proposed it to a distraught Boris Yeltsin anxious about NATO’s expansion plans in the mid-1990s - that the format would have the alliance members participate as national entities rather than as bloc members.

Russia has a problem with NATO expansion. As Prime Minister Vladimir Putin told Le Monde newspaper recently during his visit to Paris, “There’s no Soviet Union anymore. There’s no threat. But the organization remains. The question is: ‘Against whom are you allied? What is it all for?’ And expanding the bloc is only creating new borders in Europe. New Berlin walls. This time invisible, but not less dangerous ... And we can see that military infrastructure is heading towards our borders. What for? No one is posing a threat.”

Therefore, Moscow has put NATO on the defensive by stretching a helping hand to Afghanistan. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov pointed out at a speech in Moscow on May 28: “Russia does not claim any veto rights. But I think we have the right to expect reciprocity if our partners expect us to consider their interests. Indeed, without such reciprocity, it is hard to see how the Bucharest summit could have produced an agreement on ground transit to Afghanistan. It would, after all, have been easy for us to let NATO carry out its international mission in Afghanistan on its own. But we did not do this ... Russia will continue to be involved to such an extent as meets our interests and principles of equal cooperation.”

The directions in which Western “reciprocity” manifests will be absorbing to watch on the Eurasian political landscape. To be sure, there is an overall mellowing toward Russia in the European approach. The George W Bush administration has failed to initiate the deployment plan for anti-ballistic missile systems in Poland and the Czech Republic. The forthcoming Russia-European Union strategic negotiations on a new partnership agreement promise a new start. These are positive tidings.

But equally, NATO’s expansion plan with regard to Ukraine, Georgia and Azerbaijan still remains on the agenda. Russia-NATO tensions have appeared over Georgia and Kosovo. Therefore, Russia won’t take chances, either.

Parallel to the growing involvement in Afghanistan, Moscow is also stepping up its military presence in Central Asia. Arguably, the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan has prompted Moscow to beef up the security of the Central Asian region. But a distinctive feature is that Russia’s move is also in response to the wishes of the Central Asian states. Uzbekistan President Islam Karimov recently proposed that the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community must merge into a single body so as to create a “powerful union capable of becoming a counterbalance to NATO and the EU”.

From the Central Asian perspective, Russia’s capacity to play a bigger role in regional security looks more credible today than at any time in the post-Soviet era. As influential Moscow commentator Vyacheslav Nikonov, president of the Politika Foundation, wrote in Izvestia newspaper recently, “The strengthening of ties with Russia today appears much more logical and natural than it did in the 1990s when, on the contrary, the Western economies were growing, while ours was steadily declining. The growing energy crisis also works in favor of integration.”

Russia as a status quo power also holds attraction for local governments in Central Asia. Most important, there is profound disquiet in Central Asian capitals regarding the Afghan crisis - the US strategy in Afghanistan and NATO’s grit to win the war.

Until last year, Russia and the Central Asian states counted on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) playing a role in stabilizing the Afghan situation. But then they began sensing that China was following a complex policy within the SCO by exploiting it to develop its bilateral links with Central Asian countries and for penetrating deep into the energy sector, but all the while applying the brakes on Russian attempts to augment the grouping’s profile as a security organization. (The SCO comprises China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.)

China has virtually put its foot down on a Russian proposal regarding close CSTO-SCO ties. China disfavors SCO-CSTO military exercises. In sum, Beijing seems anxious not to create misgivings in Washington. (The CSTO consists of of Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.)

This is not to say that China is indifferent to the stability of Afghanistan. Far from it. China’s preference is to keep its options open rather than be tied down by the SCO or overtly identifying with Russian interests. After all, China has huge stakes in Afghanistan. Beijing perceives advantages in directly cooperating with the US (and NATO) rather than from within the SCO. Conceivably, Beijing might not be altogether averse to the idea of sending peacekeeping troops to Afghanistan at a later stage, provided a suitable United Nations mission could be structured.

That is to say, an important phase of the SCO’s evolution as a security organization lies ahead when Russia assumes its chairmanship in 2008-2009, following the SCO summit meeting scheduled to be held at Dushanbe (Tajikistan) in August. From all appearances, there has been some serious rethink in Moscow as well during recent months regarding the SCO’s potential to play an influential role in Afghanistan, given China’s manifestly lukewarm attitude. The Russian thinking also seems to have veered around to abandoning hopes of working within the framework of CSTO or SCO but instead to concentrate on a bilateral Russian-Afghan track.

Afghanistan also does not want to cooperate with either the CSTO or the SCO. During his visit to Moscow on May 25-26, Afghan Foreign Minister Dadfar Spanta made it clear that Afghanistan would not be seeking observer status with the SCO. He let it be known in no uncertain terms that Russia is a low priority for Kabul in its foreign policy - as compared to, say, China. All in all, therefore, Moscow would realize that a long journey lies ahead in cultivating influence in Kabul, which it must undertake all by itself.
Moscow appreciates that the present regime in Kabul of President Hamid Karzai is unabashedly pro-American and is a participant in the US’s regional strategy that passes as “Great Central Asia Partnership for Afghanistan and Neighboring Countries”, which actually aims at undercutting Russian influence in Central Asia.

Thus, the weekend’s announcement in Moscow far from heralds a joint US-Russian effort to stabilize the Afghan situation. In fact, there is hardly any scope for a common US-Russian regional agenda. As Nikonov put it, “We [Russia] and the Western countries have diametrically opposite definitions of success in our policy toward the CIS [Commonwealth of Independent States] countries. For Russia, success lies in strengthening of integration ties, rapprochement with its neighbors and a strengthening of cooperation. For the West, on the contrary, success means a distancing of these countries from Russia, a reorientation to external centers of power aimed at preventing ‘a rebirth of the Russian empire’. When political goals are so diametrically opposed, it is impossible to speak of a common agenda.”

M K Bhadrakumar served as a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service for over 29 years, with postings including India’s ambassador to Uzbekistan (1995-1998) and to Turkey (1998-2001).

(Copyright 2008 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

“As president, he will have to do what FDR did, and challenge the financial oligarchy with new government regulatory agencies staffed with real regulators, not deregulators as under the Bush-Clinton-Bush regime.”

Comme Président il devra faire ce que fit FDR et… résumons : RÉGULER,  là ou l’oligarchie depuis 25 ans “dérégule” à tour de bras

La question capitale est donc : Cette oligarchie se laissera-t-elle faire et défier ?

Elle vaut cette conjecture aussi bien avant l’élection qu’après
Et on peut sur cette question voir le point de vue original de Lyndon Larouche

Plusieurs pays de L’Union européenne accompagnent servilement les USA dans ses aventures militaires en Irak et en Afghanistan, comme ils l’ont fait en Yougoslavie.
Nous n’avons pas entendu beaucoup de députés européens s’élever contre ces guerres menées par leur pays dont le mien, la Belgique (quelle honte pour moi).
Votre discours les a mis devant leurs responsabilités. Qu’en ont-ils pensé ?

Lisez cela:
http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=1760&updaterx=2008-06-23+11%3A47%3A14

C’est un acte criminel venant des speculateurs occidentaux, et il faut que l’on arrete de pointer les doigts sur des pays.

C’est là où nous ne pensons pas par confor(misme)t, peur ou aveuglement que le mal, s’il s’y loge, fait naître les catastrophes humaines.

C’est vrai que notre époque moderne, à mille lieues d’une réelle liberté (“liberté” tant vantée comme vertu par ailleurs), se refuse à penser le mal (déstructuration, destruction) qu’elle engendre.

C’est à ce titre que le travail “révélant” de Dedefensa.org est, à mon sens, précieux. Bonne continuation.

Effectivement, lapsus, et révélateur de rien. Faute corrigée, merci.

DeDefensa: “Vous savez aussi que nous n’avons pas de propriétaires-protecteurs pour nous couvrir d’argent et que nous ne marchons pas droit, que nous avons donc besoin d’un soutien qui ne peut venir de nos lecteurs.”

Un lapsus..? “qui ne peut venir de nos lecteurs.”

:-)

Voyez votre texte ‘‘L’Europe et la logique de l’histoire’’ mis en ligne sur le Forum du Faits & Commentaires du 19 juin

.

Rassurez-vous, nous n’avons pas comme politique de retirer un texte du Forum, ou de n’importe quelle autre rubrique, parce qu’il ne plaît pas à certains de nos lecteurs.

Selon Michael Hudson, la démocratie US et les USA eux-mêmes sont fichus si les politiques économiques en oeuvre depuis les années 80 (càd le néolibéralisme) ne sont pas remises en cause ... Vous avez dit retour du protectionnisme et de la régulation ...

http://www.counterpunch.org/whitney06212008.html

En attendant sur Public Sénat samedi soir, les adorateurs de l’américanisme se livraient à une orgie absolument édifiante ...

“France on the move/La France qui bouge”

Après EURONEXT et tant d’autres :

“Livre Blanc : le choix Atlantiste.

... La réduction des forces décidée par Nicolas Sarkozy, en diminuant les capacités opérationnelles de la seule armée européenne réellement à même de peser de façon indépendante sur le cours des conflits s’inscrit dans une vision atlantiste des relations internationales.

L’Europe dépourvue de capacité militaire n’aura bientôt plus d’autre solution que de se ranger derrière la bannière étoilée et son bras armé l’OTAN.

C’est le souhait d’une partie des élites européennes, pour lesquelles le lien transatlantique représente notre indépassable horizon, et qui proposent - comme Edouard Balladur - la création d’une « Union Organique » avec les Etats-Unis.

Ne nous méprenons pas. Le véritable enjeu de ce Livre Blanc, c’est celui de l’indépendance politique européenne. Pour Nicolas Sarkozy, semble-t-il, le choix est fait. C’est à Washington que se décidera de notre avenir.”

Extrait de http://contreinfo.info/article.php3?id_article=2081—

“The Brown-Sarkozy & Affiliates policies”

La France et l’Angleterre inféodent l’Europe aux lobbies américains ... Charles Quint et François 1er néocolonisés en “freelance” du Nouveau Monde.

“Monde” qui n’a plus de “Nouveau” qu’une dette qui est la plus démente de l’histoire.

Reste à ces “Ministres de Grandes Nations néocolonisées” à 
- achever l’Euro,
- se goinfrer encore plus de “subprimes” (merci Euronext & Co) et
- continuer surtout d’attendre les crises systémiques convergentes (énergie, pollution, sols, climat, injustices mondiales, violence,...) par exemple en discutant d’une indispensable Constitution (un bête traité interNational utilisé en blocage “constitutionnel” car “gravé dans le marbre” ... comme tous les Monuments aux Soldat Inconnu parsemant l’europe des Grandes Nations).

1763, 1815, 1870, 1914, 1940, bientôt 20** comme une vague, toujours recommencée : la politique sanglante des immondes Nations d’europe.

Bonjour,

Je crois que mon article intitulé “Observations sur l’Europe et la logique de l’histoire” n’a pas plu à certains lecteurs de votre site. Est-ce
la raison pour laquelle mon article a été affiché le temps d’un éclair?

Trop d’Européens refusent de regarder la réalité en face. L’Europe de l’Ouest, malheureusement, est devenue une colonie des États-Unis d’Amérique depuis 1945! Voltaire, Lafayette et Rochambeau jubileraient aujourd’hui. Les anglophiles et les jacobins ont triomphé en Europe. Ils renient leur passé.

Fils oubliés, méprisés et souvent reniés par les anciennes métropoles, les Canadiens français et les Afrikaners, connaissent, par expérience, les tactiques de domination de l’Angleterre et des États-Unis d’Amérique. Presque trois siècles de domination, et de nombreuses tentatives d’assimilation, ont donné un sixième sens anti-impérialiste à ces conquis.

Réveillez-vous Européens! Les stratégies et les tactiques de domination qu’ils ont utilisées contre les fils prodigues sont actuellement tournées contre vous…

Vive la Francie!

Sans rancune,

Réjean Tremblay  

PS: Si vous croyez que cet article peut froisser certains esprits, ne pas afficher, merci. Je vous envoie ma contribution dans les jours qui suivent.

L’effacement du continent est la principale politique des Nations franco-anglaises depuis longtemps et la France en est particulièrement satisfaite, ce qui n’est pas du tout neuf.
. L’europe définie exclusivement par quelques Nations sur le principe du “juste retour” est réduite au marchandage depuis sa “création”.
. L’UE est une boutique : d’abord du charbon et de l’acier ensuite agricole. Il était clair et affirmé par tous que toute voie politique était exclue. Les Gaulo-communistes fusionnés l’ont re-démontré avec la CED. L’Angleterre s’est donc vite réintéressée à cette “mercerie continentale” et ne vise qu’à l’expansion de cette “grande surface” : le marchandage européen c’est toute la politique de ses orgueilleuses Nations.
. L’Irlande va contribuer maintenant au budget européen et la France n’est plus financée par la Politique Agricole Commune : quel intérêt donc pour ces boutiquiers ?
. Le “non” Irlandais à l’ectoplasme européen est il tellement plus significatif que les débacles historiques que l’europe des Nations collectionne ou s’administre continûment ?
. Ainsi la “période classique française” est considérée comme la plus prestigieuse et la plus régalienne (c’est à dire avec une nomenklatura de droit divin consacrée aux intérêt exclusifs du royaume ramené à “L’Etat c’est moi”).
.
Extrait :
“En 1763, après la longue guerre de Sept-Ans, la France signe avec l’Angleterre le Traité de Paris.
. Quand on constate l’ampleur de ce que la France abandonne alors à l’Angleterre, on peut affirmer que le Traité de Paris est sans doute le plus catastrophique traité que la France ait jamais signé !
. En Amérique, la France cède à l’Angleterre tous ses territoires du Canada (l’intégralité de la Nouvelle-France, y compris les îles du Cap-Breton et Saint-Jean), ainsi que la partie orientale de la Louisiane (la rive gauche du Mississipi), et de nombreuses îles des Petites Antilles comme la Dominique, la Grenade, Saint-Vincent et Tobago. La France doit aussi « confier » à l’Espagne la Louisiane occidentale, c’est-à-dire la rive droite du Mississipi.
. En Afrique, les Anglais s’emparent du Sénégal avec la ville de Saint-Louis.
-En Asie, ils triomphent totalement en Inde, laissant simplement à la France les cinq comptoirs de Pondichéry, Chandernagor, Mahé, Karikal et Yanaon, avec interdiction de les fortifier. Le sort en est alors jeté : l’Inde sera britannique jusqu’en 1947.
. En Europe, la France rend l’île de Minorque en échange de celle de Belle-Île.
. Par ce traité, « la Grande-Bretagne se trouva tout à coup placée à une incommensurable hauteur au-dessus des autres nations, que leur puissance continentale semblait condamner à ne plus jouer qu’un rôle secondaire dans l’histoire du monde », écrit Julien Green.
. ...Contrairement à ce qu’on pourrait penser, ce traité est plutôt bien accueilli en France et satisfait même pleinement les intellectuels français.
. ... Enfin, après la signature du Traité de Paris, Voltaire écrit au ministre Choiseul pour le féliciter : « Permettez-moi donc, Monsieur, de vous faire mon compliment ; je suis comme le public, j’aime beaucoup mieux la paix que le Canada et je crois que la France peut être heureuse sans Québec. Vous nous donnez précisément ce dont nous avons besoin. »
.—- http://frontenac.ameriques.free.fr/traite-de-paris.php—-
. Ainsi les Nations mercantiles s’échangent à coup de défaites les comptoirs, les esclaves et les territoires ... elles justifient toutes les rapines, elles glorifient toutes les guerres et leurs massacres.
. Les Nations sont immondes, pour elles seuls ses cimetières définissent la “communauté européenne”.